In the context of workplace deviance, unlike political deviance, personal aggression:

Workplace deviance is defined as ‘voluntary behavior that violates significant organizational norms and in so doing threatens the well-being of an organization, its members, or both’ [Robinson and Bennett, 1995, p.556].

From: Encyclopedia of Mental Health [Second Edition], 2016

Workplace Deviance

R Bennett, S Marasi, in Encyclopedia of Mental Health [Second Edition], 2016

Description

Workplace deviance, also referred to as employee deviance, counterproductive work behaviors [CWB], or antisocial work behaviors, affects nearly all organizations [Case, 2000; Coffin, 2003], with prior research proposing that the majority of employees [between 50% and 75%] have engaged in some type of deviant behavior [Bennett and Robinson, 2000; Harper, 1990; Harris and Ogbonna, 2002; Slora, 1991]. The associated costs of workplace deviance have been estimated to be rather significant, with annual estimations being in millions for US organizations [Aquino et al., 1999; Case, 2000; Harris and Ogbonna, 2006; Murphy, 1993]. Workplace deviance is defined as ‘voluntary behavior that violates significant organizational norms and in so doing threatens the well-being of an organization, its members, or both’ [Robinson and Bennett, 1995, p.556].

The typology of workplace deviance produced by Robinson and Bennett [1995] used multidimensional scaling techniques to identify two separate dimensions: interpersonal deviance and organizational deviance. Interpersonal deviance refers to deviant act directed towards individuals within the organization, such as managers, coworkers, and subordinates; whereas, organizational deviance refers to deviant acts directed towards the organization itself [Bennett and Robinson, 2000]. Furthermore, the original typology configured workplace deviance to consist of four different forms: two of interpersonal deviance [political deviance and personal aggression] and two of organizational deviance [production deviance and property deviance], with the distinct types differentiated on one dimension by their seriousness or harmfulness and on a second dimension by whether they were directed to either individuals or organizations [Robinson and Bennett, 1995]. Political deviance and production deviance refer to minor deviant acts; whereas, personal aggression and property deviance refer to serious deviant acts [Robinson and Bennett, 1995]. For an overview of the typology and examples of the different types of workplace deviance, see Figure 1.

Figure 1. Typology of Workplace Deviance; these lists are not exhaustive. Provide a set of the most typical behaviors for each category for illustrative purposes only.

Reproduced from Robinson, S.L., Bennett, R.J., 1995. The typology of deviant workplace behaviors: A multidimensional scaling study. Academy of Management Journal 38, 555–572.

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Alcohol Use Disorders

K.J. Sher, M.R. Lee, in Encyclopedia of Mental Health [Second Edition], 2016

Deviance Proneness

In deviance proneness models, problem drinking is considered part of a general pattern of deviant behavior that develops in childhood and is partially attributable to deficient socialization. One theoretical explanation for deviance proneness is Jessor's problem–behavior theory, in which the environment, personality, and behavior work in conjunction to either increase or decrease risk for problem behaviors, and where the presence of one problem behavior increases the likelihood of others, thus causing various problem behaviors to cluster together among at-risk individuals. Deviance proneness models are supported by evidence that AUDs are predicted by a number of early childhood risk factors and other problem behaviors [e.g., impulsivity, aggression, defiance, achievement problems, poor interpersonal relations, and inadequate parenting], and by evidence that a broad ‘externalizing spectrum’ subsumes AUD and other related disorders [e.g., drug disorders and antisociality] due to common etiological risk factors shared across these conditions.

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Metaphor: Philosophical Theories

M. Arseneault, in Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics [Second Edition], 2006

Deviance and Value

Historically, the deviance of metaphor has been tied to the question of the value of metaphor. Although Cicero [De Oratore], Quintilian [Institutio Oratoria], and rhetoricians celebrated the deviance of metaphor and its embellishment of language, philosophers John Locke [Essay concerning human understanding] and Thomas Hobbes [Leviathan] condemned the use of metaphor in philosophical inquiry. If the best chance at arriving at and communicating truth is afforded only by unambiguous literal language use, metaphor's deviance from the literal is therefore suspect. Jean-Jacques Rousseau [Essay on the origin of languages] and Friedrich Nietzsche [On truth and falsity in their ultramoral sense] attempted to undercut this criticism by arguing that all language is fundamentally metaphorical and championed metaphor's creative function. For a short history of philosophical thought about metaphor, see Johnson [1981] and Kittay [1987].

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Gateway Hypothesis of Addiction and Substance Misuse

Hamdy Fouad Moselhy, Mahmoud A. Awara, in Neuropathology of Drug Addictions and Substance Misuse, 2016

Control Theory

This theory posits that deviance arises when young people lack sufficient ties to conventional social groups such as families, schools, and churches [Hirschi, 1969]. From this point of view, youth deviate not through frustrated desires or actions in accordance with their own reference groups, but because their ties to conventional groups are broken or underdeveloped. While it has become common in the delinquency literature to test both control and differential association theories simultaneously [Conger, 1973; Johnson, 1979; Matsueda, 1982], the limited research on substance use shows little association between the two [Dull, 1984].

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Introduction to Part 3

In Measuring Mental Disorders, 2018

This decoupling of illness with respect to deviance is implemented in the same way in the characterization of substance abuse and in the evolution that this has seen under the term “addiction” in contemporary nosographies of mental disorders. Renaud Crespin’s text is dedicated to the practice of screening for drug use at the workplace and, in this respect, is illuminating, to say the least. The analysis that he carries out could indeed have appeared in the second part of this book as it applies to the flourishing career of a measuring tool, this time a biological tool, originally known as the Dole Test. However, a historical study of the test makes it possible to observe still more directly how the evolution of this test and of its uses is closer to an affirmation of a change of context and how this change spread, via the instrument, from sanitary organization to the workspace. In effect, at first the Dole urine test aimed to assure the actors and financers of the Methadone substitution program that opiate consumers who were taken into this program had indeed abandoned their use of heroin and only used its substitute. These programs were founded on the idea that the addict was a victim of a metabolic problem and that the substitution, by stabilizing this problem, would thus put an end to the offences committed in trying to obtain illicit products. The United States saw a progressive generalization of this test, which Renaud Crespin describes as “appropriation”, first for use in the military, then in administration and then, finally, in ever growing proportion in private enterprises. This signaled the advent of a new manner of representing drug users. Around the 1980s, this representation, which also tended to more broadly cover most social problems, contributed to an unprecedented awarding of responsibility to the consumer: the consumer was no longer a victim, neither of the product nor of their own metabolism, but in taking drugs demonstrated a personal choice that was, first and foremost, a sign of moral weakness, with respect to the consequences that their conduct had on themselves and others. This new representation tended to legitimize screening for drugs because of the risks posed by their use to workplace safety and also to the economy as a whole, because of the higher rate of absenteeism attributed to drug users.

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Psychopathology and Criminal Behavior

Grant C.B. Sinnamon, in Applied Crime Analysis, 2015

Abstract

Forensic psychopathology is the realm in which criminal deviance merges with mental pathology. The field extends to more than a simple duplication of psychopathologies within a criminal setting; it is an evolution of psychopathology that adapts the field to make provisions for the requirements of the criminal justice system and its definitions of legality in various circumstances. More than major pathological syndromes, forensic psychopathology concerns itself with the pathological expression of individual psychological mechanisms, such as thoughts, emotions, and motivations, which may ultimately drive someone to engage in criminal behavior. With a view to providing relevant information to the pursuit of applied crime analysis, this chapter discusses the role of genetics, epigenetics, and environmental influences on the manifestation of these criminally-oriented psychological characteristics. It explores these mechanisms and their associated psychopathologies focusing on the syndromes, symptoms, and behavioral consequences that are primarily associated with person-to-person crimes.

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Forensic Psychiatry and Forensic Psychology: Sex Offenders

T. Mackinnon, A. Ellis, in Encyclopedia of Forensic and Legal Medicine [Second Edition], 2016

Conclusion

Sexual offending can occur in the presence or absence of sexual deviance. Sexual deviance itself can occur with no link to sexual offending, and is not usually considered to be a mental disorder unless harmful to the individual or others. Mental disorder or illness can be associated with sexual offending both with and without sexual deviance. It is therefore important to have an approach to the understanding of and definitions of sexual offending which is clear about the roles of deviance and mental illness, particularly as sexual behavior and offending can be the subject of ‘moral panics’ in society.

Sexual deviance itself is difficult to clearly define, as sexual behavior is complex and deviance is defined by the society in which it occurs, wherein values about sexual behavior, and what constitutes unacceptable or even offending behavior, are constantly changing.

Within this changing moral and cultural landscape it is difficult to draw clear ahistoric definitions about sexual deviance, but psychiatric classification has become more cautious than it has been in the past about drawing distinctions between normality and abnormality, and especially disorder and illness. The recent systemic descriptions of and research into sexual behavior and what constitutes abnormality may be helpful in leading toward a greater understanding of sexual deviance and an unjudgmental and evidence-based approach to treatment, which is more humane and effective.

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AUTISM AND RELATED DISORDERS

Fred Volkmar, Lisa Wiesner, in Developmental-Behavioral Pediatrics [Fourth Edition], 2009

EVOLUTION OF DIAGNOSTIC CONCEPTS

Autism and the related disorders are conditions characterized by deviance and delay in the development of social and communication skills associated with unusual, restricted patterns of behavior and interests. Autism is the best-known disorder in this group. In addition, several other conditions are currently recognized, including Rett syndrome, childhood disintegrative disorder [CDD], Asperger syndrome, and “subthreshold” autism [pervasive developmental disorder–not otherwise specified [PDD-NOS]]. This chapter reviews these conditions with a focus primarily on autism, and discusses aspects of screening and treatment.

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Generalized Linear Models

Jean-François Dupuy, in Statistical Methods for Overdispersed Count Data, 2018

2.6.2 Tests between nested models

More generally, the anova function allows us to compare any two nested models by performing a deviance test. Suppose that we wish to test the non-significance of the health variable for the model in equation [2.17]:

H0:β2=β3=0againstH1:β2≠0orβ3≠0.

The code:

fit_poisH0 = update[fit_pois,formula =.~.-health2-health2]

anova[fit_poisH0,fit_pois,test ="Chisq"]

estimates the model under H0 and then computes the deviance statistic [under H0, this statistic asymptotically follows a χ22 distribution]. The anova function returns the output:

Analysis of Deviance Table

Model 1: ofp ~ numchron + age + gender + fstatus + school + income + med

Model 2: ofp ~ health2 + health2 + numchron + age + gender + fstatus + school + income + med

Resid. Df Resid. Dev Df Deviance Pr[> Chi]
1 4398 24397
2 4396 23933 2 463.61 < 2.2e-16 ***

---

Signif.codes: 0’***’ 0.001’**’ 0.01’*’ 0.05 ’.’ 0.1 ’’ 1

Alternatively, we could use the lrtest function from the lmtest package [ZEI 02], which performs a likelihood-ratio test [which is equivalent to the deviance test]. The syntax of this command is as follows:

lrtest[fit_poisH0,fit_pois]

We of course obtain the same result as before, although the results are presented slightly differently:

Likelihood ratio test

Model 1: ofp ~ numchron + age + gender + fstatus + school + income + med

Model 2: ofp ~ health2 + health2 + numchron + age + gender + fstatus + school + income + med

#Df LogLik Df Chisq Pr[> Chisq]
1 8 -18586
2 10 -18354 2 463.61 < 2.2e-16 ***

---

Signif.codes: 0 ’***’ 0.001’**’ 0.01 ’*’ 0.05 ’.’ 0.1 ’’1

Finally, we can use a Wald test to compare nested models [the waldtest function from the lmtest package]. The following R code:

waldtest[fit_poisH0,formula =.~.+health2 + health2,test ="Chisq"]

returns the output:

Wald test

Model 1: ofp ~ numchron + age + gender + fstatus + school + income + med

Model 2: ofp ~ numchron + age + gender + fstatus + school + income + med + health2 + health2

Res. Df Df Chisq Pr[> Chisq]
1 4398
2 4396 2 455.21 < 2.2e-16 ***

---

Signif.codes: 0’***’ 0.001’**’ 0.01’*’ 0.05’.’ 0.1 ’’ 1

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Volume 1

Michael WeißMarkus Göker, in The Yeasts [Fifth Edition], 2011

4.5 Optimality Criteria

Once branch lengths have been estimated for a number of topologies, it is possible to rate these trees according to an optimality criterion. An optimal tree according the chosen criterion is considered as a valid phylogenetic hypothesis given the distance data. The most often used criteria for this purpose are the following.

4.5.1 Cavalli-Sforza and Edwards [1967]

Using this unweighted least-squares approach, the tree is chosen that minimizes

∑i

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